Placental Relations: Theology, Viability, and Roe v. Wade

– Author’s sketch and revision of an artistic rendering of Hildegard of Bingen’s vision recorded in Scivias, entitled “The Creation of the Soul,” from the Rupertsberg Codex –


In Receptive Bodies, the late literary and queer scholar Leo Bersani takes up the work of Peter Sloterdijk, especially the first volume of his three-volume MicrosphereologyBubbles. Sloterdijk persuasively argues that our first relationship is not with our mother, exactly, but with a “non-object” he calls our With — that is, the placenta:

[I]n truth, obstetricians know that there are always two units which reach the outside in successful births. The child . . . never emerges from the cave alone. . . . In terms of its psychodynamic source, the individualism of the Modern Age is a placental nihilism (387).

A serious analysis of Sloterdijk’s Microsphereology, especially as it relates to psychoanalysis (e.g., 349ff), must wait for another time. What interests me here is his engagement with an artistic rendering of Hildegard of Bingen’s vision recorded in Scivias, entitled “The Creation of the Soul.” My amateur sketch of it appears above — and I genuinely cannot explain what possessed me to draw my own version.

Here is the original, from the Rupertsberg Codex:


According to Sloterdijk, pregnancy for Hildegard

repeats the creation of Adam: physically as the function of a solid from a liquid [cheese or dough are in the figures’ baskets] through concrescence, psycho-pneumatically as the inspiration of the soul through the descent of the spirit orb from the angelic space into the fetal body. According to the traditional view, the latter takes place around the middle of pregnancy — that is, at a point equated in earlier doctrines of female wisdom with the beginning of palpable movement in the womb (367).

This “middle of pregnancy” — roughly 20 to 24 weeks, give or take — is also the point at which modern medicine teaches us that fetal lung development has progressed far enough that survival outside the womb becomes possible, with significant NICU support. The fetus, in the middle of pregnancy, receives lungs/breath/soul. That is, by the way, an idea that stretches back at least to Aristotle.

This brings me to Roe v. Wade (1973) and its companion case Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992), which together regulated abortion access in America for five decades before being overturned — wrongly and foolishly, in my opinion — by the Court in Dobbs v. Jackson (2022).

Here is the argument I want to make: Roe was indeed an instance of judicial overreach. The irony is that its overreach favored the so-called “pro-life” position.

The Roe Court honestly confronted the originalist reading of the Constitution and concluded, in the words of legal scholar Katie Watson, “that fetuses don’t fit within the Constitution’s use of the word ‘person,’ and the opinion doesn’t paint the fetus as a character or personify it as an active agent” (Scarlet A, 42). As Watson observes on page 82, according to the Roe Court, “Constitutional personhood only begins at birth.”

The 14th Amendment says “born.” It means born. A strict originalist has no textual basis for fetal constitutional personhood — none.

And yet the Roe Court ruled that the Constitution allows states to ban abortions. The Court made up “viability” as a legal threshold — the point at which states may restrict or even ban abortion in order to protect what it called “potential life.” That threshold is similar to the one Hildegard (and Aristotle) identified as the moment of ensoulment: roughly the middle of pregnancy, when breath and life become possible outside the womb.

Roe is judicial overreach — but it was overreach grounded in “pro-life” logic. While Roe protects a woman’s right to abortion because she is an unambiguous constitutional person (conservatives clutch your pearls!) and the fetus is not — it doesn’t go so far as to assert that the fetus is pure “bare life,” or life outside the protection of the law.

Roe is a compromise — a significant one — and one that, as Watson argues, tracks with what women actually do. The vast majority of abortions occur in the first trimester, long before viability. Later abortions are almost always the result of medical necessity or devastating fetal diagnosis. Roe and Casey reflect reality.

Now consider Dobbs. Its reasoning is, if anything, more extra-legal than Roe‘s. The Dobbs Court rejected a constitutional right to abortion on the grounds that the word “abortion” does not appear in the Constitution, but then justified state bans on abortion in order to protect “potential life,” an extra-legal concept they didn’t even try to define in the spirit of the actual text of the Constitution, but left it to the states to define.

Frankly, the Dobbs Court was not being more faithful to the Constitution. It was simply being faithful to a different set of extra-legal values, without acknowledging it.

If you are a genuine originalist, the honest conclusion is fucking shocking: the Constitution, as written and as historically understood, offers the fetus no protection whatsoever.

Not at viability.

Not at any point before birth.

The “born” language of the 14th Amendment is unambiguous.

I think Roe‘s extra-legal reasoning is preferable to that of Dobbs because it is manifestly less cruel.

Roe, like Dobbs, went beyond the strict text of the Constitution. But Roe at least tethered its extra-legal reasoning to something real, both constitutionally and historically. Almost all abortions occur well before viability. However, once the fetus reaches the threshold of ensoulment or viability, it becomes a potential person, a potential citizen that our society has an obvious interest in reasonably protecting.

Dobbs replaced the Roe Court’s wisdom with conservative Christian metaphysics. And we are all, especially girls and women, living with the consequences. The only thing worse may be a radical leftist vision of absolutely no legal constraints on abortion, damning the mother to the hell of individualism 

The Anti-Homoness of Straight Hipster Politics: On Homo Family Values and the Question of Political Change

David Wojnarowicz, Untitled (Genet), 1990


1.

Hipster irony appeals to overly earnest straight people, especially straight men (and their sometimes adoring queer fans).

Here’s one version of straight hipsterism: Acceptance of homosexuality and homo marriage occurred relatively quickly in the U.S. because homosexuality and homo marriage aren’t really hip.

The homo who desires to marry and build a family wants nothing more, according to the hipster, than to be “one of the boys.” In other words, the legal/political recognition of homos and their family values is not real political change.

2.

Hipsters aren’t wrong, to be fair, for having some fun at the expense of homos who, like hipsters, want to keep their position high up the ladder of respectability and be cool.

Some homos want nothing more than to be straight (but not that straight).

The problem is that hipster self-righteousness requires a sacrifice: homo difference and dignity.

3.

To the hipster, homoness is the enemy of coolness. Homoness is the recapitulation of normie-cis-white-male-straightness. 

That’s why I think hipster irony is just really fucking dull. It’s more of the same: straight (male) resentment and self-righteousness masquerading as progressive politics.

Nothing irritates hipsters more than homo joy and affluence.

4.

That’s why, to riff on David Halperin’s description of straight hipster irony in How To Be Gay (2012)straight hipsters just love to turn homos and their family values into the new normie straight dude. Homos become “fodder for [hispter] irony”: 

By acknowledging straight hipsters’ affection for such quaint cultural forms and practices [like marriage], while refusing to express that affection except in a grotesque, exaggerated fashion, in case someone should get the wrong idea, straight hipster irony maintains and consolidates (though it’s much too cool to flaunt it) a distant and disengaged position for hipsters—that is, a position of relative social privilege (395-96).

Straight hipster irony enables you to distance yourself from your straightness while castigating the desires of homos who want to marry and build families of their own.

5.

Here’s an example of hipster homo (but not that homo) love: “It is weirdly possible to imagine a scenario,” writes one Substack hipster, “where the United States becomes a violently misogynistic white ethnostate, but gay marriage still remains the law of the land.”

Is our hipster arguing that the reason homos and homo marriage gained relatively quick cultural acceptance is that they fit, hand in glove, within the normie logic of “a violently misogynistic white ethnostate”?

Is our hipster asserting that homos and their family values enjoy popular support in the U.S. because they are entirely compatible with normie-cis-white supremacy-straight-guyness (pronouns: he/bruh)? 

Who needs enemies when you have allies like the hipster! 

6.

In his view, homos and their family values have achieved quick legal/political victories because they have chosen to suck the cock of cis-white-straight-dudeness.

“Pointing out that context,” our hipster claims, “is not a critique of the movements that succeeded as being ‘secretly’ conservative or oppressive, but instead a critique of the society that only lets itself do good things for bad reasons” (emphasis added). 

Who needs enemies when you have neighbors like that! 

7.

Anyway, according to the hipster view, Pete Buttegig won the Democratic presidential primary in Iowa in 2019 because he just loves sucking white dick.

Any evidence to the contrary is evidence of a cover-up. 

Yasmin Nair, for example, asserts that even the Buttigieg kids are part of a secret, oppressive conservative plot to win white-normie-straight-bruh political power: 

Given their talent for curation, it’s hard not to wonder if the Buttigieges didn’t also choose their [biracial] children as carefully as Melania Trump chose her outfits. This doesn’t mean that the pair don’t love their incredibly adorable children, but given that even Chasten looks like he was chosen from a catalog of ‘Good Gay Men,’ it’s safe to say that even the most seemingly personal details of Pete’s life are carefully chosen.

8.

Hipster paranoia (i.e., nothing good can happen in people’s hearts or society) may also explain why our hipster fails to mention the HIV/AIDS crisis in his essay.

While the hipster does recognize that straight opposition to homo love was (remains?) violent and horrific, extending well into the 1990s before giving way to growing support for homos and their family values starting in the early 2000s, he does not seem to know that the 1990s were also the worst years of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in, for example, Chicago.

The hipster can’t even entertain the idea that witnessing homos suffering and dying in large numbers because of a demonic virus, which our government was too slow to address, might have been a bridge to compassion that led to a genuine change of heart among our fellow citizens. 

9.

And because any legal/political recognition is necessarily a form of assimilation, the hipster can’t risk acknowledging (or take seriously) the substantial legal/political recognitions won by Black and Trans* people over the past few decades.

So, he doesn’t mention that the vast majority of Americans support some form of police reform. Likewise, the hipster doesn’t seem to realize that most Americans do support Trans* people. Our hipster, however, dismisses the very real gender dysphoria experienced by Trans* youth, categorizing it as a common experience for all youth going through puberty.

Also, our hipster doesn’t mention that it was a conservative Supreme Court Justice, Neil Gorsuch, who authored the majority opinion in Bostock v. Clayton County, which declared it unconstitutional to discriminate against Trans* people in the workplace. 

Finally, the hipster’s faith in the straight coddling of homo desire likely blinds him to the fact that the Supreme Court is considering whether or not to relitigate the constitutionality of same-sex marriage on Friday, November 7th, 2025 (Thankfully, the Court chose [for now] not to relitigate homo marriage. It sure must be nice not to have one’s dignity up for routine legal review.)

10. 

Homos and their family values gained quick acceptance, according to sophisticated hipsters, because they offered a lifeline to normie-cis-white-straight-maleness.

In reality, it was the other way around. 

Homosexual activists made surprising use of a straight male invention: the concept of homosexuality.

Homo identity politics was so successful (like all forms of Black, Trans,* and Women’s respectability/identity politics before and after it) precisely because it compromised with the protocols of the dominant masculinist culture, the culture—then, now, and for the foreseeable future—in power.

Specifically, homo identity politics accepted the conservative logic that sex(uality) is gender and gender is sex(uality). 

The idea that homoness is anything more than a sexuality, anything other than a sexual orientation/identity—like a culture, a specific lifestyle, or a uniquely “feminine” way of relating to women, men, and the world—remains a controversial subject in homo circles. 

Take a look at Andrew Sullivan’s Virtually Normal (1996) and Horace Griffin’s Their Own Receive Them Not (2010)–very different versions of homo identity politics.

In How To Be Gay (2012), Halperin cogently analyzes the history of homo identity politics—the history, that is, of what Judith Butler calls a “necessary error” (Bodies That Matter [1993], 175).  

11.

Homo political gains have, indeed, come at the expense of a different history: the history of (homo)sexuality.

The concept of homosexuality was created in the late 1800s (and with the publication of the RSV, incorporated into various biblical texts in the 1940s), but I am more interested in the history of what terms like “homosexuality” are meant to describe—namely, desire. 

We are, in a sense, “born that way.” We are born as wild and wildly desiring animals, entirely dependent on the care of our parents and society—the very “institutions” that frustrate our desires.

Although no one knows what causes one’s sexual orientation, David Halperin offers a promising idea. He claims that “[l]ong before they ever have sex . . . young people have genre” (343).

Briefly, genres are formal rules that govern specific social interactions. Halperin explains that what a server might say to a complete stranger in Ann Arbor differs from what a server in Paris might say in a similar situation without causing a scandal (131). 

Genres are also pragmatic. “[T]hey provide people, in their daily practices, with concrete means of interacting with one another and negotiating specific social situations—and they instruct them in the right ways to do so (132).

Halperin suggests that genre might be all that’s necessary to create consistent, persistent, and insistent non-standard or queer relationships with mainstream cultural forms, including marriage, masculinity, authenticity, abjection, and so on. Halperin writes,

[Genre] may be all [children] need in order to forge certain non-standard relations to normative sexual and gender identities. For by making non-standard emotional connections to cultural forms, they effectively refuse the pressing social invitation to assume a conventional, heteronormative positioning and they effectively acquire non-standard sexual and gender identities, identifications, and orientations (343).

Once acquired, a non-standard relationship to cultural forms becomes, like everything experienced in our youth, difficult to change in adulthood. There are no “fresh starts.”

The second chance that is your adult life is an opportunity to change, to the extent possible, your biological and cultural heritage. If you’re lucky, your adult life is a question: What am I interested in?

12.

Our hipster believes homos have failed to launch. For him, homos and their family values easily fit into the standard mold of normie-cis-white-straight-family values. Acceptance of homo family values is not, according to hipsters, a genuine legal/political change.

Queer theoretical differences, like those between Leo Bersani and Judith Butler (1995), David Halperin and Leo Bersani (1996), Martha Nussbaum and Judith Butler (1999), Lee Edelman’s No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive (2004) and How To Be Gay (2012), are all about the character of and possibilities for real political change.

In a forthcoming essay, I argue that Martha Nussbaum misjudges Judith Butler’s politics as “hip quietism.” Instead, I argue, Butler’s politics is a subtle form of compromised resistance to the norms of straightness.

To be clear, Nussbaum is not opposed to resistance as a political strategy. She is not a radical political figure. For example, Nussbaum does not believe, as Michal Warner does, that “marriage is unethical” (The Trouble With Normal [1999], vii). 

In her review of Warner’s book, Nussbaum highlights the importance of cultural forms and routines for most people (232). Still, I believe she is too optimistic about the kind of change humans can achieve to appreciate the subtlety of Butler’s queer politics. 

13.

It is manifestly true that Butler’s theory is highly pessimistic about the potential for legal/political change. Our being here is premised on being subject to the desires, norms, and influences of the dominant culture. 

Even so, Butler clearly has faith in the possibility of change. Performativity is their term for a limited but creatively resistant form of freedom. 

“The structuring presence of heterosexual constructs within gay and lesbian sexuality,” Butler argues in Gender Trouble (1990), “does not mean that those constructs determine gay and lesbian sexuality nor that gay and lesbian sexuality are derivable or reducible to those constructs. . . . The presence of these norms not only constitute a site of power that cannot be refused, but they can and do become the site of parodic contest and display that robs compulsory heterosexuality of its claims to naturalness and originality” (158, emphasis original). 

The Butlerian subject is us. It is normal and queer. 

14.

In the essay on Butler I hope to finish soon, I also argue that How To Be Gay may be read as a redescription of Butler’s political ambition, as initially described in Gender Trouble and Bodies That Matter.

Halperin’s understanding of the politics of homo subculture perfectly captures the character of Butler’s queer politics.

Their queer politics “reckons with the world as it is, with the way we lived and still live now, and [seek] less to change the world than to resist its inflictions (even at the cost of appearing reactionary, rather than progressive)—[thereby offering] an important emotional and political resource . . . to many different kinds of socially disqualified people, at least to those whose sense of irredeemable wrongness makes them willing to pay the achingly high price for it” (219-220). 

15.

In summary, participation in what’s normal is not a matter of personal choice.

You can’t choose your sex(uality) or gender (realities created and enforced by the dominant culture before we come into the world and learn to speak its language).

That comforts some homos. And why should homos be different from nearly everyone else? 

In any case, it is also true that the dominant regime can’t completely control what you do with its normative categories. 

As Fester from the Addams Family reminds us, “Normal is difficult to achieve.”

That’s why queer politics also appeals to many homos. Failing to take “normal” too seriously is the point of queer politics.

16.

But our hipster advises us to embrace a politics of fluidity. We are advised not to stress about sex(uality) and gender norms.

I guess we are to entirely forget our hipster’s essay, wherein he ranks similarly situated minority groups on a ladder of value. If homos are even on his ladder, we are farthest away from the heavenly clouds of political coolness.

17.

The hipster seems to believe that recognizing the legitimate suffering of the hip and queer, Black communities, and Trans* people requires a sacrifice: the difference and dignity of homos. 

If that’s right, the hipster’s argument collaborates with HIV/AIDS. It collaborates with evil. 

Meanwhile, the option of carefully attending to admittedly uncool forms of queer desire remains available, if seldom considered and even less often taken—at least by straight (male) hipsters and their adoring queer fans.  

Sex Changes

The most recent episode of the New Thoughts Podcast is ready for your ears.

In this episode, I examine recent Supreme Court decisions, North Carolina legislation, and Andrew Sullivan’s op-ed for the New York Times to explain how legal and cultural forces are shaping public views of Trans* loves and lives. I argue that Trans* people are figures of change. And it is change that the forces opposed to Trans* loves and lives want to end.

I also introduce basic ideas from gender studies, focusing on Judith Butler’s recent book, Who’s Afraid of Gender. I hope you will be inspired to advocate for and protect the dignity of Trans* people and the right of parents to support and care for their beloved Trans* kids.

Keep up with the cast at newthoughtspodcast.com. Send your feedback and stories about change in your life to info@newthoughtspodcast.com.

EXPLORE:

Listen to Lucia Lukas.

Watch a clip from Into The Woods.

Find the 36 Questions To Love here.

Read Mahmoud v. Taylor.

Read U.S. v. Skrmetti.

Read NC House Bill 805.

Read Andrew Sullivan’s op-ed for the NY Times.

Read Tony’s response to Sullivan at here.

Listen to Judith Butler explain gender.

Read Butler’s Who’s Afraid of Gender.

Read David M. Halperin, “Sex / Sexuality / Sexual Classification.”

Cardi B on why she thinks her security guard = fat.

Evangelical straight men like it up the butt: pegging and evangelicals.

Against (Virtually) Normal: Law, Politics, and the Trans/Queer Body

AI generated imaged based on the essay below. Notice the young Andrew Sullivan in the foreground?


Girl: “Are you sure you are not really a girl?

Boy Sullivan: “Of course not.”

Parent: My child knows who they are.

Adult Sullivan: “But do they? . . . I sure didn’t.”

I.

In a recent opinion piece for The New York Times, Andrew Sullivan contends that the gay rights movement has “radicalized, and lost its way.” Sullivan asserts that the gay movement has abandoned traditional, virtually normal politics (i.e., the defense of marriage equality and the expansion of non-discrimination protections in the workplace and housing for gays, lesbians and trans adults) and adopted a fascistic queer gender ideology—a transgender ideology that disregards the naturalness of the “sex binary” and seeks to impose itself, like a “theology,” on society—and especially on children and teens.

The irony is that Sullivan’s argument perfectly aligns with conservative theological reasoning. Sullivan follows the Supreme Court’s conservative majority, naturalizing a conservative theology of sex while masquerading it as liberal neutrality.

II.

Taking sex as a synonym for gender and vice versa is a hallmark of conservative theological thought. For example, Associate Justice Thomas Alito, writing for the majority in Mahmoud v. Taylor, observes that “[m]any Americans, like the parents in this case, believe that biological sex reflects divine creation, that sex and gender are inseparable, and that children should be encouraged to accept their sex and to live accordingly” (24).

In queer and gender studies, the term gender ≠ biological sex. As David M. Halperin reminds us, “Sex has no history. It is a natural fact, grounded in the functioning of the body and, as such, it lies outside of history and culture” (“Is There a History of Sexuality?,” in the The Lesbian and Gay Studies Reader, 416 [416-431], emphasis mine).

In contrast to sex, gender (like sexuality) does have a history (although a much longer one than sexuality). It refers to the cultural habits and practices that a society determines make, for example, a male (= sex) a man/masculine (= gender).

Sullivan’s conservative theological sex ideology comes through in his definition of homosexuality. “My sexual orientation,” Sullivan shares, “is based on a biological distinction [= sex] between men and women: I am attracted to the former and not to the latter” (emphasis mine). What this implies is that (homo)sexuality is, for Sullivan, like sex: an entirely biological, neutral fact of the human condition.

Sullivan complains that “[d]issenters from gender ideology are routinely unfriended, shunned and shamed. . . . That’s the extremely intolerant and illiberal atmosphere that now exists in the gay, lesbian, and transgender space” (emphasis mine). If that’s true, it’s unfortunate because Sullivan’s conservative theological sex ideology does have an upshot: it implies that homosexuality “reflects divine creation.”

The drawback of Sullivan’s sex ideology is that it cannot account for the fact that some of us are, as Michael Warner observes in The Trouble With Normal: Sex, Politics, and the Ethics of Queer Life (1999), more marked than others by our sexuality (23).

Like many proto-gay boys, I learned in middle school that having a penis does not necessarily make one a legitimate boy. According to my peers, the way I walked, talked, dressed, and styled my hair all cast doubt on the legitimacy of my penis. Thus, I was a queer, fag, and so on.

My middle school experience amply illustrates an essential point: sex has a gender. Sullivan may insist that sex/sexuality is “a neutral fact of the human condition,” but sex/sexuality is not merely a natural/neutral fact. Sex/sexuality is also an object of human interpretation.

Sullivan and his fellow conservative Catholic/religious friends are all too aware that politics will ultimately determine what sex/sexuality means. Sullivan and company want to end the hermeneutics of sex. They want the last word, and they know the deciding battlefield is the public school system.

III.

Sullivan worries that queer gender ideology is akin to an insurrection, a “societywide revolution” against traditional sex/sexuality norms. He is especially concerned about queer ideology being taught in our public elementary schools.

To Sullivan’s mind, helping children recognize that the relationship of sex to gender and vice versa is wiggly, by allowing them to play with pronouns and their gender comportment in public schools, is to play God. It has the power to resurrect Anita Bryant!

She is risen! She is risen, indeed!

The Supreme Court recently ruled in Mahmoud v. Taylor that parents can opt their children out of public school lessons that include books with queer themes, including same-sex marriage, on religious grounds. Consider the mercifully brief sample of Associate Justice Alito’s “legal” reasoning for the majority below (for a complete analysis of the Court’s overreading and misreading of the relevant children’s books, listen to the recent episode of the podcast Strict Scrutiny):

In light of the record before us, we hold that the Board’s introduction of the “LGBTQ+-inclusive” storybooks—combined with its decision to withhold notice to parents and to forbid opt outs—substantially interferes with the religious development of their children and imposes the kind of burden on religious exercise that Yoder found unacceptable.

To understand why, start with the storybooks themselves. Like many books targeted at young children, the books are unmistakably normative. They are clearly designed to present certain values and beliefs as things to be celebrated and certain contrary values and beliefs as things to be rejected. . . .

Uncle Bobby’s Wedding, the only book that the dissent is willing to discuss in any detail, conveys the same message more subtly. The atmosphere is jubilant after Uncle Bobby and his boyfriend announce their engagement. Id., at 286a (“Everyone was smiling and talking and crying and laughing” (emphasis added)). The book’s main character, Chloe, does not share this excitement. “‘I don’t understand!’” she exclaims, “‘Why is Uncle Bobby getting married?’” Id., at 288a. The book is coy about the precise reason for Chloe’s question, but the question is used to tee up a direct message to young readers: “‘Bobby and Jamie love each other,’ said Mummy. ‘When grown-up people love each other that much, sometimes they get married.’” Ibid. The book therefore presents a specific, if subtle, message about marriage. It asserts that two people can get married, regardless of whether they are of the same or the opposite sex, so long as they “‘love each other.’” Ibid. That view is now accepted by a great many Americans, but it is directly contrary to the religious principles that the parents in this case wish to instill in their children. It is significant that this book does not simply refer to same-sex marriage as an existing practice. Instead, it presents acceptance of same-sex marriage as a perspective that should be celebrated. The book’s narrative arc reaches its peak with the actual event of Uncle Bobby’s wedding, which is presented as a joyous event that is met with universal approval. See id., at 300a–305a. And again, there are many Americans who would view the event that way, and it goes without saying that they have every right to do so. But other Americans wish to present a different moral message to their children. And their ability to present that message is undermined when the exact opposite message is positively reinforced in the public school classroom at a very young age.

Next, consider the messages sent by the storybooks on the subject of sex and gender. Many Americans, like the parents in this case, believe that biological sex reflects divine creation, that sex and gender are inseparable, and that children should be encouraged to accept their sex and to live accordingly. Id., at 530a–531a, 538a–540a, 543a, 625a. But the challenged storybooks encourage children to adopt a contrary viewpoint. Intersection Allies presents a transgender child in a sex-ambiguous bathroom and proclaims that “[a] bathroom, like all rooms, should be a safe space.” Id., at 323a. The book also includes a discussion guide that asserts that “at any point in our lives, we can choose to identify with one gender, multiple genders, or neither gender” and asks children “What pronouns fit you best?” Id., at 350a (boldface in original). The book and the accompanying discussion guidance present as a settled matter a hotly contested view of sex and gender that sharply conflicts with the religious beliefs that the parents wish to instill in their children (23-24, unattributed italics mine).

The Court rightly observes that “there are many Americans who would view [the marriage of two men as a joyous occasion], and it goes without saying that they have every right to do so.” What the Court does not recognize is that such a view is not only that of “many Americans,” it is also the nonmetaphysical position of their Government.

If the Court’s majority were at all inclined to affirm the appropriateness of the Government teaching a nonreligious, nonpartisan view of sex in our public schools, it would have concluded the following: There are many Americans who would view the marriage of two males as contrary to their religious beliefs, and it goes without saying that they have every right to do so. However, the Government has no role to play in teaching theological metaphysics. Religious instruction is the obligation of parents of faith and their respective religious institutions.

We are right to worry that the majority opinion in Taylor takes religion from the football field (Kennedy v. Bremerton School District) into the classroom by implicitly questioning the legitimacy of the Government’s nonreligious view of sex. In my opinion, Taylor goes far beyond protecting religious liberty. It protects the status quo by incentivizing the teaching of traditional, religiously inflected sex ideology in our public schools.

But Sullivan is worried about Big Trans “overhauling the education not only of children with gender dysphoria, but of every other kid as well.” 

Sullivan does not mention Mahmoud v. Taylor in his opinion piece for The New York Times. Besides the shared insistence on the naturalness of a conservative theological understanding of sex, one other thread links Sullivan’s essay to the majority opinion in Taylor.

Sullivan, like the majority in Taylor, is expressly concerned about (gay and lesbian) youth being coerced by authority figures, such as teachers and doctors, into believing what he considers to be an unnatural gender ideology.

“As a child, uninterested in playing team sports . . . ,” Sullivan writes, “I was once asked by a girl when I was just 10 years old, ‘Are you sure you are not really a girl?’ Of course not, I replied” (emphasis mine). Nonetheless, Sullivan wants us to believe that he may not have given the same answer to the same question if the questioner had been “someone in authority—a parent or a teacher or a doctor [or a priest?].”

Alito expresses a similar concern in Taylor,

“The books therefore present the same kind of ‘objective danger to the free exercise of religion’ that we identified in Yoder. Id., at 218. That ‘objective danger’ is only exacerbated by the fact that the books will be presented to young children by authority figures in elementary school classrooms. As representatives of the Board have admitted, ‘there is an expectation that teachers use the LGBTQ-Inclusive Books as part of instruction,’ and ‘there will be discussion that ensues.’ App. to Pet. for Cert. 605a, 642a.” (25, emphasis mine).

Among the things Alito thinks coercion means is teachers communicating to young students a nonmetaphysical interpretation of sex, namely that it is not a synonym for gender and vice versa. Alito writes, “The upshot [of how Alito [over]reads Born Ready, written by Jodie Patterson and illustrated by Charnelle Barlow] is that it is hurtful, perhaps even hateful, to hold the view that gender is inextricably bound with biological sex” (25, emphasis mine).

The Court affirms the right of conservative religious parents to direct the public education of their children in Mahmoud v. Taylor. In U.S. v. Skrmetti, a case in which the Court’s majority allows states to ban gender-affirming care (while permitting the same treatments for minors not seeking gender-affirming care), the majority declines to resolve the legal question about the right of parents to direct the healthcare of their (trans) children. In this case, the Court neutralizes the authority of parents who are not (religiously) conservative or religious to care for their children, trusting the (conservative) Government to “parent” them.

IV.

Sullivan goes a step further than the Court’s majority in Skrmetti. Sullivan wants us to believe that no one is looking out for trans kids (except him and his fellow compassionate conservatives, of course). Even the supportive parents of trans children cannot be trusted to direct their healthcare.

Sullivan provides three reasons to remove the power to provide healthcare to children from the hands of their parents:

First, supportive parents trust their children’s testimony. Though young Sullivan was very clear with his female classmate about his sex, he questions whether or not trans children “know who they are.” He even contradicts himself, asserting that during the period between the ages of 9 and 13, he was unsure whether he was a boy or not.

Next, Sullivan argues supportive parents are the cucks of a fascistic queer ideology (i.e., of Big Trans). Specifically, they are illiberal cucks. They do as Big Trans tells them to do (i.e., force our kids to transition) for fear of being canceled—and they cancel others, like Sullivan, who refuse to obey the will of Big Trans.

Finally, Sullivan also believes supportive parents are reactionary cucks of a fascistic queer ideology. Sullivan asserts that if Trump (i.e., an election denier, encourager of insurrection against the U.S. government, Project 2025 supporter, and, according to one judge, a rapist) is for, say, the biological truth of gender, the cucks of a fascistic queer ideology are necessarily, unthinkingly against it.

What critics of the majority’s decision in Skrmetti (e.g., the 5-4 podcast) miss is that Trump’s conservative theological assertion of the “biological truth of gender” is underlying their reasoning.

State laws denying gender-affirming care to a teen male who desires to become a female is not, to the majority, discrimination based on sex. Healthcare providers may not deny gender-affirming treatment to a male because he is male. In many states, they must deny said treatment because he is a male who desires to become a female.

Recall that in Taylor, the Court’s majority similarly empowers parents to affirm a conservative theology, namely that sex and gender are inseparable. The rest of us must live with it—or else.

V.

Sullivan’s opinion piece for the New York Times is gross—and not principally because it is a conservative theological argument. It is also problematic because it is an example of the homophobic literary genre (e.g., queers are victims of queers; conservatives = persecuted; healthcare may be denied to women/queers; states should be allowed to decide the legality of queer life, etc.).

There is one aspect of Sullivan’s anti-trans/queer rhetoric that I find especially problematic: his deployment of the heuristics of fear. Echoing the logic of the late Cardinal Ratzinger (see, e.g., §10), Sullivan wants us to believe that we have only ourselves to blame for violence perpetrated against us as a consequence of our insistence on our difference from the (virtually) normal.

In The Monarchy of Fear: A Philosopher Looks At Our Political Crisis (2018), a book inspired by Hillary Clinton’s electoral loss to Donald Trump in 2016, Martha C. Nussbaum draws on psychological research to describe two “heuristics” of fear. The first is the “availability heuristic,” and the second is the “cascade heuristic,” which has two aspects: reputational and informational (47-51). These heuristics can function to overwhelm our ability to carefully consider whether or not fear is warranted in a given situation, instead activating our instinctual impulses.

In his opinion piece, Sullivan employs the availability heuristic, creating an immediately recognizable image of imminent, life-threatening danger. He argues that the radicalization of the gay movement by trans/queer ideology is collapsing public support for gay and lesbian civil rights.

Sullivan combines the availability heuristic with the cascade heuristic, motivating people to come together to overcome an imminent, life-threatening danger: trans/queer ideology. If we don’t act, gay and lesbian civil rights, our rights, will be erased—and we will be subject to violent acts (the reputational aspect of the cascade heuristic).

Sullivan also offers us new information. He contends that advocates of trans/queer ideology are essentially raping children, forcing them to transition. Moreover, by forcing trans kids to transition, trans/queer advocates are ending the lives of gay and lesbian kids, as Sullivan believes a lot of trans kids are just confused gay and lesbian kids (the informational aspect of the cascade heuristic)

The heuristics of fear are highly motivating. They compel us to act together to avoid immediate danger.

The problem arises when the fear they amplify is not based on a sober assessment of evidence, facts, data, or our experiences. For example, there are good reasons to avoid the path of a tornado. However, when our fear is unwarranted, as it is in the public’s assessment of trans lives and experiences, it can destabilize democracy.

Unwarranted fear, especially combined with disgust, can destabilize democracy by motivating violence. Trans/queer ideology, Sullivan imagines, inspires “a sane backlash” against trans/queer people—and not only them, but virtually normal gay and lesbian people, too. As many trans people and queer gay men and lesbians already know: the threat of violence for being misaligned with (virtually) normative straight (male) society is not an idle one.

VI.

Queer gay men and lesbians stand in solidarity with their trans comrades (a word I use intentionally to enflame conservative passions) for many reasons, not least of which is our shared experience of the violence of (virtually) normative gendered politics. David M. Halperin observes, 

If homophobia sometimes functions less to oppress homosexuals than to police the behavior of heterosexuals and to strong-arm them into keeping one another strictly in line with the requirements of proper sex and gender norms, for fear of appearing queer it may be that one of the functions of transphobia is to police the behavior of lesbians and gay men and to terrorize them into conforming to the gender style deemed appropriate to their respective sexes (How To Be Gay [2012], 307, emphasis mine).

Yet, Sullivan believes that the radicalized gay movement is the real threat to a liberal or reasonably pluralistic society (see John Rawls). He asserts that the ever-expanding alphabet of queer welcome (e.g., L.G.B.T.Q.I.A+), and the new colors added to the pride flag to incarnate it, nowadays “demarcates a place not simply friendly to all types of people . . . but a place where anyone who does not subscribe to intersectional left ideology is unwelcome.”

Youth are the worst offenders of Sullivan’s law of welcome. The “young queer generation” are contemptuous, according to Sullivan, of “those who came before them.”

Dear Andrew,

It’s true. Trans/queer youth and adults don’t want to hang with you.

It’s not us. It’s your habit of villainizing, demeaning, and disparaging our lives and loves.

I don’t doubt that you believe you care about trans/queer youth and adults. However, if you take a moment to listen, you’ll likely gain a better understanding of why hanging out with us just isn’t currently working out for you.

As they say in Chicago, “He only had himself to blame.”

Smooches,

Tony (he/him).

Jesus Lacked the Rights of a Citizen

CaravaggioEcce Homo, circa 1605–1609, Private collection/Museo Nacional del Prado

Attributed to the wrong artist and in poor condition, Caravaggio’s Ecce Homo was nearly auctioned off for a mere €1,500. But, according to Ingrid Rowland, the painting caught the eye of art experts, and it was reconnected to its true maker and restored. Ecce Homo eventually did sell to a private buyer for €30 million, and it was recently on exhibit at the Prado.

The painting is inspired by John 19:4-6 and bears the name of the Latin translation of “Here’s the man,” Ecce homo, of John 19:5: “Pilate went out again and said to them, ‘Look, I am bringing him out to you to let you know that I find no case against him.’ So Jesus came out, wearing the crown of thorns and the purple robe. Pilate said to them, ‘Here is the man!’ When the chief priests and the police saw him, they shouted, ‘Crucify him! Crucify him!’

Caravaggio’s unique take on John 19:5 is needed right now. His imagination is required because we, at least in the U.S., lack leaders who can inspire us to rethink our values.

Rowland’s description of Caravaggio’s Ecce Homo is worth our full attention:

The scowling Pilate, caught in the coils of Roman law, leans over the parapet of his palace, visibly racked by doubt, the tousled hair peeking out from his velvet cap suggesting an official so confused he can no longer bother with his personal appearance—he seems to have been tearing his hair before he put on his headgear, the sign of his rank. If Pilate’s face says “Don’t make me do this,” his hands are obeying the swifter movements of his heart: his right gestures open-palmed at the hopeless conundrum, but his left has stretched out to support the bruised, swollen hand in which Jesus still clutches his mock scepter. Pilate is changing his mind, which means that we, caught in the position of the crowd gathered beneath the governor’s window, are the ones who are called upon to shout either “Crucify him!” or “Let him go!”—not the Jews, not the Romans, no one but ourselves.

Pilate and the boy are looking at us, the crowd, asking, “Do you really want to kill this man? Why, he has done nothing wrong?!” Rowland observes that “[n]o other Ecce Homo has dared to turn Pilate into a comforter, or one of Christ’s tormentors into a hierophant. . . .”

Today, Jesus has no such comforter or hierophant. Rowland rightly points out that “Jesus, who lacks the rights of a Roman citizen, can be, and has been, swiftly subjected to the empire’s most ignominious punishments: flogging, torture, and the prospect of death by crucifixion, an excruciating public form of execution reserved for enemies of the state.”

And the crowd? We are of no comfort to Jesus. The electorate has made its choice clear, “Crucify him!” His life is not as important to us as the price of eggs or the politics of petty vengeance. We gather at the Tesla dealership while the nails are hammered into Jesus’s wrists and ankles.

Are we sure we want to behave this way?

Martha Nussbaum, Justice for Animals, and the Ethical Problem of Animal Predation

I.

Animal predation is an ethical problem. Smart human intervention is required to address it. Or so Martha Nussbaum argues in Justice for Animals: Our Collective Responsibility (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2022):

We need above all to convince people that predation is a problem. Too many people grow up excited and enthralled by predation, and this has had a bad effect on our entire culture. It’s important to keep pointing out that antelopes were not made to be food, they were made to live antelope lives. The fact that they so often do not get to live those lives is a problem, and since we are in charge everywhere we need to figure out how much we can and should do about it (252).

Nussbaum’s analysis of “the wild” comes late in Justice for Animals (see chapter 10, “The ‘Wild’ and Human Responsibility”), and there is a reason for that: the idea that we should somehow intervene in “the wild,” especially in “wild” behaviors like animal predation, will likely strike many readers as totally bizarre.

So, it’s important to step back and acquaint ourselves with the development of Nussbaum’s argument before we directly engage the character of animal predatory behavior as an ethical problem in chapter 10.

Below is an outline of what is covered in this overview:

  • What is justice? (chapter 1, section II. below)
  • Inadequate approaches to animal ethics (chapters 2-4, section III. below)
  • Nussbaum’s Capability Approach (CA) to animal justice (chapter 5, section IV. below)
  • Sentience and the subjects of (in)justice (chapter 6, section V. below)
  • When is death a harm? (chapter 7, section VI. below)
  • The Problem of Predation (chapter 10, section VII. below)

I conclude by considering a few serious philosophical and ecological objections to interference with “wild predation.” I ultimately side with Nussbaum. For now, our task is to trace the ecological and philosophical trajectory of Nussbaum’s overall argument in Justice for Animals, namely that animals are subjects of (in)justice.

II.

Nussbaum begins by defining what she means by justice. She defines justice largely by contrasting it with injustice. “[T]he general intuition should be emerging more clearly: injustice centrally involves significant striving blocked by not just harm but also wrongful thwarting, whether negligent or deliberate” (7-8, emphasis original).

“Significant striving” means that particular animals move with intention to obtain what is significant to them (e.g., shelter, play, friendship, etc.). When significant striving, deliberate movement to obtain “what is reasonably significant” to a particular animal, is unjustly blocked, it entails more than harm.

An animal may encounter any number of harms in the course of their significant striving, harms such as illness or a storm that destroys their nest (or worse). These harms are no one’s fault. Wrongful thwarting entails fault.

We are right to think that when someone with the power to act does so in a way they know, or should know, will wrongfully thwart another animal’s thriving, we are dealing with unjust action. We are also right to think that when someone with the power to act fails to exert that power in a way they know, or should know, will prevent the wrongful undermining of another animal’s thriving, we are dealing with unjust inaction (i.e., neglect).

For example, a child destroying a bird’s nest is wrongful thwarting of a bird’s significant striving. Likewise, a parent standing idly by as their kid smashes the nest is inaction that constitutes a wrongful thwarting of a bird’s significant striving. Justice, by contrast, is related to laws, norms, and institutions that reasonably support and enable significant striving.

But how do we (human animals) come to understand animal lives in terms of (in)justice? How do we get beyond the view of someone like John Rawls, who thought that while animals are worthy of our compassion, “they could not be treated justly or unjustly” (9)?

The ultimate answer to those questions is animal sentience. But for now, Nussbaum emphasizes three emotions that “have the potential to help us beyond our daily context” (9). They are:

  • Wonder, “like love, is epistemic: it leads us out of ourselves and awakens a nascent ethical concern” (12).
  • Compassion is feeling “pain at the significant suffering of another creature” (12).
  • Outrage “is a form of anger . . . . [this] species of anger turns to face forward, and its aim is to create a better future. For that reason I will call it Transition-Anger [because it is without a retributive wish]” (15).1

When these emotions are ethically attuned and joined together, they lead us in the right direction: “Wonder arrests our attention and draws us out of ourselves, inspiring curiosity about an alien world. Compassion links us to the suffering animal in a powerful emotional experience. Transition-Anger prepares us for action” (16).

In addition to these ethically attuned and intertwined emotions, we need a good theory for comprehending animal lives as subjects of (in)justice. Nussbaum carefully assesses three major approaches to animal ethics, and she points out how they fail to adequately comprehend animal lives as subjects of (in)justice.

III.

The “So Like Us” approach to animal ethics is the first of the three approaches Nussbaum reviews, and it is the subject of chapter 2. The most influential advocate of this approach is Steven Wise.

The idea is that certain animals are like human beings, approximating human capabilities, and so they should be treated accordingly. Nussbaum contends that “[t]his theory is too narrow, unworthy of the alienness and sheer diversity of animal lives. And it is counterproductive as a strategy to expand animal entitlements” (19-20).

Yet, this approach has managed to move US judges with a basic Western education. Nussbaum defines Western education to further highlight why the “So Like Us” theory is too limited in scope and inadequate to guide our future efforts toward animal justice.

Underlying a basic Western education in animal ethics is the religious idea of the scala naturae: a fixed, natural ladder with humans at the top and other animals descending a scale of value/worth. This religious idea is often attributed to Aristotle. Nussbaum, however, is not convinced it is his idea, at least not in its popular, religious form.2

The “So Like Us” theory plays on the religious idea of the scala naturae, arguing that while apes, for example, have not risen to the level of human beings on the ladder, they have come up pretty close. So, it would seem reasonable to grant them legal rights associated with human personhood.3

There are many problems with this view. They are:

  • “[M]ost of the animal world still lies outside [as they are too unlike us] in the dark domain of thinghood” (31).
  • “The image of the scala naturae is not drawn from looking at nature, and it does not correspond to what we see when we look at nature . . .” (31).
  • “It leads to ugly projects in which humans imagine transcending their animal bodies by casting aspersions on the smells and fluids of the body” (32).
  • “[I]t leads to a focus on artificial performances that are not really characteristic of the species as it lives its life in the wild [i.e., (sign) language abilities]” (33).
  • Wise and others, like Thomas White, privilege “likeness over strangeness [although White has since adopted the CA approach]” (38).

The second view of animal ethics Nussbaum assesses is that of the British Utilitarians. They are the subject of chapter 3. While they emphasize “the commonality of all animals in our shared pain,” they still come up short of animal justice in some essential ways (39).

The British Utilitarians Nussbaum has in mind are Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart Mill, and Henry Sidgwick. She also includes Peter Singer, an Australian philosopher and close follower of British Utilitarian ideas, in her analysis of Utilitarian thought applied to animal ethics.

Utilitarian thinkers advance animal rights in critical ways. Bentham, for example, compared “our treatment of other animals to slavery” (40). He also recognized that animals suffer; “suffering [is] a common bond among all animals” (56).

The key ethical facts for Bentham are pleasure and pain. “The aim of a rational politics should be to maximize the net balance of pleasure over pain in the universe” (40).

Bentham also challenged the idea of the natural ladder. “[Animals] should not be treated as things or property, and their interests should be treated with as much attention as those of humans, ‘allowance made for the difference in point of sensibility.'” In other words, “similar interests should be treated similarly, but something that is irrelevant to the interests of the creature should not matter in thinking about its needs” (43).

Utilitarians also recognize animal sentience and the importance of sentience as a threshold for defining the subject of (in)justice (see section V. below). The main problem with Utilitarian animal ethics is the singular focus on pain and pleasure.

While Mill takes a more nuanced view of pleasure (including the fact that we may take pleasure in terrible things, like killing animals), the singular focus on pleasure and pain ignores the fact that animal “lives have other relevant aspects: dignity, social capacity, play, planning, and free movement among others” (56).

The third theory of animal ethics Nussbaum reviews is that of Kantian Christine Korsgaard. Korsgaard fashions animal ethics in Kantian terms: animals are ends in themselves and not merely means. The difficulty with her theory is the character of and undue emphasis on human rationality or moral reasoning.

Kant did not hold animals in high esteem because he believed they lacked “the capacity for ethical choice” and so, citing Kant, they may be used “as we please” (58). Kant did, however, argue against the cruel treatment of animals. He thought unkindness to animals made humans unkind to one another. Nonetheless, Kantian ethics is important for its emphasis on the “inviolability and dignity of the individual creature” (58).

The central idea Korsgaard takes from Kantian ethics and applies to animal ethics is the second version of the Categorical Imperative: “So act that you use humanity, in your own person as well as in the person of any other, always at the same time as an end, never merely as a means” (my emphasis). How this imperative applies to animals, and not just to “humanity,” requires further explanation.

Kant thought that humans, on account of our unique ability to reflect ethically and to make choices, are the only species “who can be obligated and have duties” (65, emphasis original). Korsgaard argues that it does not follow that “we are the only creatures who can be the objects of duties, creatures to whom duties are owed” (65, emphasis original).

Korsgaard is right, but for Aristotelian reasons. Aristotle thought animals are “self-maintaining systems who pursue a good and who matter to themselves” (65).

If we accept this view, as both Korsgaard and Nussbaum do, it follows that human animals are ethically obligated to respect and value the, to use Nussbaum’s term, “significant striving” of animals. We have an ethical obligation to treat animals as ends and not merely as means, that is, if we wish to be ethically consistent.

The fact that my cat is an animal with goals and purposes does not, however, collapse the difference(s) between my cat and myself, leading us back to a “So Like Us” approach to animal ethics. My cat is to be treated as an end and not merely as a means because of his catness and not because he resembles something approximating my humanness. Korsgaard, Nussbaum contends, “avoids most of the errors of the ‘So Like Us’ approach, but in the end she ties herself to a version of it: the value of animals is derivative from likeness to humanity” (67).

The significant difference between Korsgaard and Nussbaum is the line the former draws between special human rationality (i.e., autonomous will) and animal nature. For Nussbaum, “all of our capacities are part of our animal nature” (65).

So, human rationality, human ethical reasoning, may make me different from, say, my cat, but it doesn’t make me somehow less animal (to be clear, Korsgaard rejects human superiority), and it doesn’t make my cat a machine of instincts, a creature incapable of a cat-specific kind of ethical reasoning.

Animal studies alert us to the ethical capabilities of many kinds of animals. “[Sperm whales, macaws, chimpanzees a]ll have social mechanisms for teaching young members appropriate social norms, thus developing instinctual endowments in a direction that promotes group and individual welfare. And isn’t that really what all good parents are trying to do?” (75). In other words, good sperm whale parents teach their children how to be good sperm whales.

Nussbaum takes from Kant the emphasis on individual animal worth. She takes from Aristotle the emphasis on the dignity of all animals. Developing her own approach, she avoids all the pitfalls mentioned earlier: the split between rationality and nature, the myopic focus on maximizing aggregate pleasure, and the emphasis on animal likeness to human animal capabilities.

IV.

In chapter 5, Nussbaum describes her Capabilities Approach (CA) and begins to show how it applies to animal ethics. What is the Capabilities Approach?

The CA “argues that a society is even minimally just only if it secures to each individual citizen a minimum threshold amount of a list of Central Capabilities, which are defined as substantial freedoms, or opportunities for choice and action in areas of life that people in general have reason to value. . . it emphasizes material empowerment more than do many rights-based approaches [, and] it leaves spaces for individual freedom” (80, emphasis original).

Like Korsgaard’s Kantian-inspired theory, CA understands “each individual creature . . . as having dignity that law and politics must respect, treating that individual as an end, not simply as a means” (81). It does not, however, set human moral powers above “other aspects of animal living, and it sees all human powers as parts of the equipment of a mortal and vulnerable animal who deserves a fair shake in life—as do all sentient animals” (81).

CA moves beyond a simple, singular focus on GDP, a national measure of economic health. “Short-sighted development policies often aim to make people feel good rather than to empower them. ‘What are people (and what is each person) actually able to do and to be?’ The [CA] asks, and answers, that very practical question” (84, 86). Again, CA recognizes significant striving, in this case, the fact that we humans, each of us, are “active beings seeking a flourishing life that they themselves create” (87).

Each human being needs certain things, certain entitlements or rights, in order to flourish. The 10 central capabilities are listed below (see 89 for a full explanation of each). “One way of thinking about what all the items on the list have in common is that they all seem to be inherent in the intuitive idea we form of a life that is worthy of human dignity” (91):

  1. Life
  2. Bodily Health
  3. Bodily Integrity
  4. Senses, Imagination, Thought
  5. Emotions
  6. Practical Reason
  7. Affiliation
  8. Other Species
  9. Play
  10. Control Over One’s Environment

We don’t all need—or want—all of the above capabilities (at least not every aspect of each); each of us is free to choose among them to create the lives we want for ourselves. Yet, if any one of the capabilities were removed, we would rightly feel that human life is being treated as a means rather than an end.

The role of government, of law and policy, is to secure “the capabilities for all.” The capabilities list “is a list of fundamental tasks of government” (92).

Critically, “[t]his doesn’t mean that people always should rely on government to solve their problems. . . . But it does mean that the whole matter of justice depends on getting a stable political structure that is able, enough of the time, to deliver the capabilities to the people who chose and empowered it” (92, my emphasis).

Both Nussbaum and Korsgaard go beyond the Kantian focus on human dignity, incorporating an insight from the Utilitarian John Mill: “all sentient animals have a dignity of their own, which deserves respect” (92). Human dignity is, of course, different from the dignity of a dolphin, and the dolphin’s dignity is different from the elephant’s. But dignity is there, made manifest in each animal’s “pursuit of valued goals” (96).

What follows from this insight is an emphasis on a “characteristic form of life.” “Each form of life is different. . . . Being more like a human would not be good or pertinent for a magpie. We humans are similar to magpies, dolphins, and elephants in groping for survival and flourishing in a mostly hostile world; we differ in the specific nature of the goods we seek” (97).

If we concede that our human “strivings should not be thwarted,” why would we allow the thwarting of the particular strivings of other animals? While humans make laws, why must we make laws only for humans?

Animals cannot speak in Congress, but they do “speak” to us about their situation. Why should animals not have collaborators in Congress and in the courts, experts who carefully observe them and describe their situations to us? We do something similar when we hire an attorney to speak for us and make our case before a judge in a court of law.

There are many, intricate issues Nussbaum clarifies in this chapter, but I focus on only a few here. First, Nussbaum emphasizes individual dignity. Species-level thinking is helpful, and each species requires its own capabilities list (though Nussbaum’s CA list can act as a general guide for, say, what might be important capabilities for octopuses), but the individual, and their freedom to choose which capabilities are important to their own form of life, is privileged. Individual freedom within an entitlement structure is what is in view here. So, any one list may need to be modified to accommodate unforeseen capabilities.

Focus on the species takes on importance to the degree that, say, opportunities for affiliation is what individual members of a species need to flourish (e.g., for some octopuses, hanging out with their own species is not a big part of what they seek, although it is necessary for reproduction. However, many do seem to value community with different kinds of octopuses and with different species, with fish like groupers and with humans).

But are “rights” the right way to think about animal (in)justice? It’s difficult, for many reasons, to think animal rights, rights that can actually be reasonably guaranteed or supported. One reason is animals do not live neatly within local or even national borders. Nussbaum, following Kant, argues, “[a]t the base of our rights is a very simple idea: every human being has a right to be where he or she is. . . to having a share of control over what happens in the world” (114).

Extending rights to animals is a consequence of their dignity. They, too, have a right to be where they are, and so, like us, to have “a say” in what happens to them.

Animal rights are “‘imperfect rights’ . . . rights not against any definite person or animal, but, rather, against all human beings, against humanity imagined as capable of collective action” (113). Some animals, like dogs and cats, may be assigned specific responsibilities/duties to other animals (e.g., not to attack humans, other dogs, or birds), but animal rights are largely what human animals owe to all other sentient animals.

V.

In his elegant and moving book, Dominion: The Power of Man, the Suffering of Animals, and the Call to Mercy, Republican Matthew Scully gets at why, in Nussbaum’s words, we need a “working boundary,” like sentience, when thinking about animal rights.

Scully cites animal rights skeptic, his friend and conservative, Joseph Sobran:

This would put us, the human race, in the position of policing the entire animal kingdom, making sure they don’t violate each other’s rights . . . . We would reduce our workload by allowing each species to police itself . . . even (if we mean business) the fly against the spider. . . (136).

Sobran’s intention is to mock animal rights, or, in Scully’s words, to mock “any notion of moral status for animals,” by showing that it “ends in absurdity” (136). The concept of sentience serves as “a working boundary” in Nussbaum’s approach to animal rights, and it is a critical idea, that is, if we want to avoid the absurdity of “policing” in the relationship between flies and spiders.

The subjects of (in)justice are sentient animals. Sentient animals are entitled to rights because they are animals capable of significant striving. But what does sentience mean more exactly?

Sentience means that the world looks like something to you. It relates to subjective experience, a way of feeling about the world and what is possible for you in the world.

Sentience means that you do not simply avoid pain and move toward pleasure. It means you pursue what you take as good for you and avoid what you discern is bad for you.

Sentience is, as Nussbaum observes, often reduced to the ability to feel pain (and pain is, as she notes and you know well, very bad for sentient creatures). But it also means that you have an opinion of yourself; you see yourself in a certain way, and you see others in your group, and other objects in the world, in a certain way. And you move accordingly, in a way that aligns with your sense of yourself and your sense of how the objects in your world conform to your understanding of what is good and bad for you. That is sentience.

“What I am saying,” Nussbaum writes, “is that my core notion of injustice can apply only to creatures who are capable of significant striving, and that involves [sentience]” (119). And most animals are, we know from scientific studies, sentient, “including all mammals, all birds, and teleost (hard-boned) fish . . .” (119).

Nussbaum goes on to lay out the reasoning, the evidence grounding the identification of sentient creatures, including humans. Nussbaum concludes, “Significant striving, then, includes subjective perception of things that are helpful and harmful (the world looks like this to the animal), plus a variety of subjective attitudes, such as pain and pleasure, and, in addition, numerous other subjective states that motivate behavior: desires and emotions. The sentient animals we are describing have all of these abilities” (140).

In existential terms, sentient species—and individuals—inhabit a world.

It is not always easy to identify sentient animals (and, in the age of AIs, sentience may no longer be limited to animals4). For example, there are serious reasons to doubt that insects are sentient. Thus, we need not worry too much about rights for flies or spiders (although flies and spiders [and trees and plants and sharks] merit other kinds of ethical concern). However, bees may be sentient.

What we know with certainty is that the most ambiguous cases need not keep us from identifying the subjects of justice. Those animals that are, just as clearly as we are, sentient and so capable of significant striving.

VI.

Is death an injustice? Or, is death a harm? Does killing constitute a wrongful thwarting of significant striving?

We know that pain harms the significant striving of sentient creatures. So, we might think that killing animals humanely, that is, in such a way that they experience little to no pain, and for “legitimate” human purposes (e.g., to eat), is acceptable.

While one may take such a view, which is far better than that of those who believe animals may be killed however and for any reason, this view does not live up to the demands of Kant’s Categorical Imperative. Killing animals humanely and for legitimate human purposes is to treat them merely as means and not as ends.

The main subject of chapter 7 is the “fringe” case of humans killing animals that are reasonably healthy and have lived reasonably long, good lives.

Nussbaum also draws our attention to the fact that animals kill one another, a topic she takes up in chapter 10. Moreover, animals killed by factory farming are not killed painlessly, and so their deaths are not the topic of this chapter. Furthermore, killing a companion animal because their cancer is incurable is also unrelated to the topic of this chapter (see 156).

The main philosophical source of this chapter is Epicurus. He argued that death is no harm because when I die, there is no “I” to which to attach harm. The argument is compelling, but there is a problem: it does not take into account how our human lives actually unfold.

Nussbaum expands on what she calls the “interruption argument.” “[D]eath [not only ‘premature death’] interrupts activities that unfold over time,” activities like love and friendship, reading a long novel, planting a garden and so forth (160). “Death. . . cuts short the pleasant flow of life’s many projects. . . . Epicurus, then, builds on an impoverished picture of human life and value . . . many or most deaths are bad for the person who dies . . . in a perfectly straightforward way: they change the life that was lived, and for the worse” (160, 161).

The goal of this argument is to make a descriptive distinction (not a new ladder of worth) between those animals who undertake projects and those who do not undertake projects. “When a life contains a temporal unfolding of which the subject is aware and which the subject values, death can harm it. However, not all [sentient] creatures are like that. . . and therefore the argument does not establish that death is a harm to all creatures” (161, emphasis mine).

But allow me to underscore an important point: MANY creatures, almost all the creatures we kill and love to eat, are aware of a temporal unfolding that they value.

Temporal awareness is, in some cases, especially complex. For example, bony fish. Bony fish are sentient, but they seem to live mostly in the moment, moment to moment. So, a painless death may be no harm to them, as such a death does not interrupt a temporal unfolding of their species’s specific lives.

And much else follows from this. For example: “Even if it [painlessly killing and eating fish] doesn’t actually harm their being, it is still a kind of domination over that other life,” the very thing rights-based approaches are meant to stop (171).

The possibility then arises that while we are not harming fish when we painlessly kill and eat them, we may nonetheless be doing them an injustice. Humility and vigilance are required of us: “With our specific life-form comes responsibility” (171).

VII.

We are now prepared to grasp the sense of Nussbaum’s argument that our responsibility extends to animal predation and that it is a problem that requires a smart human response.

The following ideas are in the background as we work through Nussbaum’s thinking on animal predation in chapter 10:

  1. (In)Justice: Justice is bound up with the enablement of a creature’s significant striving, while injustice is the wrongful thwarting (actively or passively) of the same.
  2. The Subjects of (In)Justice: Sentient creatures, those who significantly strive in characteristic life-form ways, are the subjects of justice and so are to be treated as ends and not merely as means. Most animals are sentient.
  3. Harm, Injustice, and Death: Death is, generally, a harm to sentient creatures, as it interrupts their significant projects. While it may not constitute a harm to all sentient creatures, especially creatures incapable of significant projects, death may well constitute an injustice when it is a form of domination of one species over another.

The question framing chapter 10 has to do with what role humans are to play in “the wild,” if any. What role should we play in treating wild animal illnesses? Should we address starvation in the wild? What of zoos as a form of intervention? Should we fashion “a cooperative multispecies society, where wild animals are concerned?” (223-224). And, our question, what should humans do about animals killing other animals, if anything?

Concepts like “the wild” and “nature” are, Nussbaum points out, wildly Romantic. “The Romantic idea of ‘the wild’ is born of human anxieties, particularly about urban and industrial life. Nature, in this conception, is supposed to do something for us; the idea has little to do with what we are supposed to do for Nature and other animals” (225). “Other animals” includes rural humans; romanticism idealizes rural poverty.

As both Scully and Nussbaum point out, “the wild” is a great deal more “benign” than factory farming, but, as Mill thought, “Nature is cruel and thoughtless” (228). Moreover, ecological thought has taught us that there is no such thing as the “balance of nature.” There is no such thing as “the wild,” either.

Humans control everything: land, sea, air. And so, when we make a case for “the wild,” what we are saying is that we do not want to take responsibility for the world that our species, in every way, dominates.

And “it is not clear that we can ethically be standoffish, even in instances where we have not caused the problem. If we are looking on, in control and monitoring animal habitats, it seems like callous stewardship indeed if we permit . . . . thoroughly ‘natural’ types of pain and torment” (230). Human stewardship and animal autonomy are not incompatible, as “Nature is not a glorious site of freedom” (231).

The contours of (in)justice are starting to form: humans, in ways both deliberate and neglectful, thwart animal thriving. We either smash the nest or we stand idly by while it is smashed by another animal or disease or event.

So, just stewardship of “the wild” must not be avoided. It must be ethically principled (see 232). And it must be attuned to the kinds of animal capabilities we are responsible for recognizing and protecting (233-237).

It is a common practice (and widely accepted) for humans to intervene in “the wild” when there is starvation, drought, and so forth. We are likely to blame for all of that anyway. But something feels different to us about predation, about the act of animals killing other animals.

We are cautioned against interfering in predation for several reasons. First, instincts. Predators are not doing anything wrong when they attack and kill other animals.

That is true. What predators are doing is expressing something characteristic of their life-form. Our interference may, in fact, degrade their dignity, wrongfully impeding their significant striving by frustrating instincts important to them.

And, though Nussbaum does not make this exact point, it is equally possible that our interference in predation would frustrate the gazelle’s important instinct to recognize and to evade dangers.

Instincts, however, can be redirected in many different ways—ways that do not entail the unspeakable suffering of another creature or the end of a supposed thrilling existence of constant vigilance and escape.

We are cautioned against interfering in predation for another reason, too: we have no idea what impact such interference would have on animal populations. Yet, predation and hunting are not the only ways to manage animal populations. They are certainly not the most painless ways of managing animal populations.

And even if we think there are good reasons for not interfering in animal predation generally, we may think it unsavory for humans to enjoy it or to become predators in “the wild” themselves. Therefore, we will oppose sado-tourism, the practice of humans taking great enjoyment in scenes (and paying a lot to see them) of vulnerable creatures being torn to bits by, for example, wild dogs. We must also outlaw big game hunting, the practice of humans killing, for example, elephants with weapons of war.

Additionally, we may think there are good reasons for not interfering in animal predation generally, but we may also identify some special circumstances where we think intervention is necessary. For example, we may seek to protect animals that have not evolved to recognize and evade the dangers posed by non-indigenous threats (think of the kakapo).

Speaking of the kakapo, predation may even be encouraged in certain circumstances. The CA allows for self-defense, so rats may be acceptable objects of predation, becoming a food source for creatures, like cats, also managed out of eating the kakapo. There may be other “nuisance animals” that fall into this category.5

Animal predation is not a simple phenomenon, one that requires little to no thought or concern on our part. Nussbaum’s approach to it is nuanced and cautious, and even so, we have identified instances of acceptable and reasonable human interventions in “the wild,” specifically in animal predation.

VIII.

We are now well situated to understand why most instances of animal predation constitute a serious ethical problem that require smart human responses.

To start, animal predation is not, not straightforwardly, an injustice. The lion, for example, is not somehow in the wrong for killing and eating a warthog.

Yet, the unspeakable suffering the warthog experiences as it is eaten alive by the lion—and the threats to life and limb the lion risks to kill it—should at the very least alert us to the possibility that predation is, nonetheless, a serious harm to the warthog and, potentially, to the lion.

Lions are not in a position to recognize that, and warthogs aren’t, either. But we are in a position to recognize it and do something about it.

It is also highly questionable that respecting the dignity of both lions and, say, gazelles requires predation as a capability, namely the capability to hunt and the capability to escape being eaten.

Must lions kill other animals to be (happy) lions? We have no reason to believe so. Moreover, we may grant that all creatures are, indeed, food (or are edible), but is that what sentient creatures, like the gazelle, want, at least while they have a say in the matter, while they are still living? Again, we have no reason to believe so.

Finally, death does harm to both the lion and to the gazelle, to each of their respective projects. And, as we saw in the case of fish, death may become an injustice when it represents a tool of domination of one species over another.

Predation seems to me to qualify as a form of domination. While the lion cannot recognize their eating of the gazelle as a form of domination, and while the gazelle, even if it could recognize the harm of predation, is powerless to do anything about it, we can both recognize predation as a problem and do something about it.

There are serious ecological and philosophical objections to intervening in animal predation. I have alluded to some of them above. The substance of these arguments extends well beyond a straightforward concern for what we do not know (e.g., how such interference will affect animal populations) or a respect for the dignity of animal lives.

One is right to ask: Are human interventions in animal predation a form of domination, a means of humanizing the entire animal world?

Another question: Would we fault a bat, for example, for using its capabilities to eliminate harms or to address injustice in human life? No, I don’t think we would.

Nussbaum’s argument, namely that we humans have an ethical responsibility to use our capabilities to enable and foster all sentient life, stands up well against serious objections. Even if you are not convinced, her argument is worthy of your sustained attention and serious consideration. Or so I think.


Footnotes:

  1. For more on anger, see Nussbaum, Anger and Forgiveness: Resentment, Generosity, Justice. ↩︎
  2. While Ibram X. Kendi links the scala naturae to Aristotle, Stamped from the Beginning shows how the idea plays out in terms of the history of race and racism in Western thought. See Stamped, e.g., 15-21. See also Nussbaum, in the present context, on page 32. ↩︎
  3. There is a strong Western current in the other direction, however. See Hoshaw, “On The Urgent Matter of the Bible . . . .↩︎
  4. I have started to explore AI sentience and ethics here and here. ↩︎
  5. Although if we take lessons from Trash Animals: How We Live With Nature’s Filthy, Feral, Invasive, and Unwanted Species, we will approach the management of such “nuisance” animals with great care. Even in the case of rats, Nussbaum does suggest birth control efforts as a strategy of population control. ↩︎